
Opposition to a Central Bank

Opposition in the United States to a central bank empowered to issue currency is not new. Twice before in the nation’s comparatively short history it was created and abolished. Presidents and thinkers, including Thomas Jefferson, James Madison, Andrew Jackson, Abraham Lincoln, Otto von Bismarck, James Garfield, William McKinley, Theodore Roosevelt, John Hylan (Mayor of New York 1918-1925), Woodrow Wilson, and even Thomas Edison warned us about the consequences of giving a central bank the power to issue currency; Dwight Eisenhower worried about the potential for lopsided influence of the military industrial complex, and John Kennedy, without mentioning names, made it clear that he abhorred secret societies, oaths, and proceedings. On that note, it’s worth remembering that the Fed’s present incarnation was conceived in 1910, during a very secret meeting attended by Nelson Aldrich, A. Piatt Andrew, Henry Davidson, Arthur Shelton, Frank Vanderlip and Paul Warburg, a German immigrant, in Jekyll Island, Georgia. Incidentally, Lincoln, Garfield, McKinley, and Kennedy were assassinated, and Jackson and Roosevelt narrowly survived assassination attempts. Even Donald Trump, possibly for unrelated reasons, has so far survived not one but two assassination attempts. So, the record shows a progression, no doubt coincidental, from opposition to central banks, to rejection of “secret societies, oaths and proceedings”, to attempted and actual presidential assassinations.
The Constitution and the Fed
One thing is to have a bank of last resort that regulates, supervises and insures entities under its jurisdiction. Quite another is to bestow on it license to create and control the nation’s money supply at will, either from thin air or by whatever schemes it may from time to time concoct. That is anathema to the intent of the Founding Fathers, reaffirmed by the Supreme Court. Article I, Section 8, Clause 5 of the Constitution gives Congress the exclusive power of coinage.
Beliefs
There are those who believe that the primary beneficiaries of the Fed are the largest banks and the Federal Government itself, which is able to tap the former’s ability to create money as a supplemental form of revenue. They also point out the dramatic decline in the value of the dollar since the Fed was established in 1913; that over time it’s been granted ever more leeway in how it inflates the money supply; that when it buys Federal debt it does so with money created out of thin air; that arbitrarily, or nearly so, it sets the federal funds rate at whatever rate it sees fit; that it intervenes in currency and other markets; and that Congress has practically abrogated its responsibility and authority to rein it in. More importantly, they say, the Fed underwrites the Executive’s ability to bypass Congress to wage wars at its discretion by perpetually increasing the public debt. Case in point, the last time the United States Congress formally declared war was in 1942, against Hungary, Bulgaria, and Romania, today’s allies.
The Fed is Just a Tool
The Fed is not the problem per se. Rather, it’s the Federal Government’s lack of fiscal discipline, precisely what Thomas Jefferson so vehemently opposed. Worse, the trend has metastasized to nearly every country in the world, complete with national central banks, steep inequality, growing deficits, “defense” outlays, and sovereign debt. Accordingly, it would be ludicrous for the U.S. to unilaterally dismantle that which nurtures its national security shield – the military-industrial complex that worried Eisenhower – if no one else follows suit.
The Impossible Gold Standard
Currently no universal mechanism exists to compel national governments to live within their means. In the U.S., the gold standard was supposed to do just that from the late-19th century until 1933, when President Franklin Roosevelt confiscated all privately held gold. The gold standard proved unpopular, and ultimately failed, because it prevented the government from waging wars at will and addressing emergencies like the Great Depression. The Breton-Woods agreement of 1944 recreated a watered-down gold standard of sorts. Under its terms, the dollar was pegged to the price of gold and all other currencies were pegged to the dollar. That came to a screeching halt in 1971, when Richard Nixon ended the dollar’s convertibility into gold. He did so because other countries, particularly France under Charles De Gaulle, were redeeming paper dollars for bullion, a trend that threatened to leave the U.S. without gold reserves. Nixon’s action highlighted an obvious limitation to a gold standard: since the supply of gold is limited, nations who hoard it preclude others from doing the same to support their currencies. Nixon abruptly made the dollar a fiat currency – backed by nothing. However, the greenback’s acceptability was artificially inflated when Saudi Arabia agreed to price oil in dollars exclusively. The need for dollars to pay for oil, an indispensable commodity, created infinite demand for it. That effectively opened the floodgates to permanent deficit spending and mushrooming debt.
Declining Growth
The Congressional Budget Office’s 2024 Long-Term Budget Outlook estimates that “The state of the U.S. economy in coming decades will affect the federal government’s budget deficits and debt… Among the factors incorporated in the agency’s long-term economic forecast are the effects of projected deficits on private investment and the effects of marginal tax rates on the supply of labor and private saving. In CBO’s extended baseline projections, the growth of real potential GDP slows, falling from an annual average rate of 2.1 percent over the 2024-2034 period to an average of 1.6 percent over the 2045-2054 period.” In contrast, the International Monetary Fund projects China’s growth to slow to 3.3% by 2029 due to an ageing population and slower expansion productivity. Even this conservative projection is almost three times faster than the U.S., and India and other countries are growing even faster. In other words, unless something radical is done, and fast, the U.S. will lose its economic and military competitiveness.
Climate Change, an Unexpected Catalyst
Climate change – unrelenting and impervious to petty disputes – may actually spawn a currency standard that might compel all governments to live within their means. Here’s why. Anthropomorphic climate change is caused by humanity’s persistent use of fossil fuels to generate electricity and power vehicles. In response, there’s a worldwide race to develop a profitable method to generate electricity from fusion. To say the least, this is an expensive undertaking available only to rich nations which can afford the research and development. Accordingly, if and when a breakthrough is finally made, the proprietary rights to the technology would likely spawn a mega cartel not unlike today’s OPEC. In the event, its owners would directly or indirectly collect on virtually every human endeavor simply because everything we do requires energy. That would include, among others, sectors such as banking, robotics, manufacturing, artificial intelligence, even healthcare. If that happens, the currency of whoever owns the rights to fusion will likely become the reserve currency of the world, a path that leads to deficits and growing debt.
Green Hydrogen, an Alternative
China has made a groundbreaking advancement. It designed and debuted a hydrogen-powered high-speed train at the 2024 trade fair in Berlin, Germany, a highly industrialized country without sizeable domestic oil and gas reserves. This seminal step in energy independence complements a 2023 Memorandum of Understanding signed by Conjuncta, a German project developer, for a green hydrogen project in Mauritania. At no point in the production/use cycle will hydrogen release greenhouse gases into the atmosphere; not only that, since the raw materials – sunlight and seawater – are free, easily accessible, practically infinite, and in the public domain, no one would likely succeed in securing exclusive rights to them. Simply, if Mauritania can mass-produce green hydrogen, so can other developing nations.
Green Hydrogen Standard, not Gold
Green hydrogen – an energy carrier, not a fuel per se – has the unique ability to produce pure water as a byproduct. That is potentially a game-changer for arid regions. For example, the water byproduct of electric hydrogen-burning plants atop mountain ranges could be collected, condensed, and used to replace the shrinking supply of water due to recurring severe drought, retreating glaciers, and stressed aquifers. In sum, hydrogen’s advantages may likely encourage a multitude of nations to emulate the Mauritania project. Should that become a widespread trend, they might collectively agree to adopt hydrogen as the world’s standard to determine the relative value of each participating currency to the corresponding nation’s per capita production of green hydrogen. This all-inclusive valuation method would replace the International Monetary Fund’s Special Drawing Right (SDR), an international reserve asset subjectively based on a basket of five privileged currencies – the US dollar, the euro, the Chinese renminbi, the Japanese yen, and the British pound sterling. In doing so, it would comply with Eisenhower’s wish – to create a confederation of equals, one where the weakest can “come to the conference table with same confidence as do we, protected as we are by our moral, economic, and military strength.” In this confederation, confidence would be derived from economic self-reliance.
Unlike gold, whose value is derived from someone’s ability to hoard it inertly to preclude others from doing the same, the value of hydrogen is realized only when it is consumed. That would encourage modest nations to produce as much of it as possible. Landlocked nations such as Mongolia, Bolivia or the Central African Republic might partner with others, near or far, with an adequate seashore and abundant sunshine but in need of capital infusion, to share profits from the production of the hydrogen.
Effect on Fiscal Discipline
A hydrogen standard would not infringe on any nation’s sovereignty. Thus, any national government would be free to have a central bank performing any functions it sees fit, to binge on deficit spending, and to amass as much debt as it wishes. But the value of its currency relative to others would be determined by an automatic and unappealable per capita output of green hydrogen. That would materially affect international trade because the currency of nations with a high per capita output of green hydrogen, balanced budgets and low sovereign debt should have higher purchasing power. In sum, green hydrogen, not gold, is a good candidate to become the universal determinant of fiscal discipline.
Status of the Dollar as the World’s Reserve Currency
According to the International Monetary Fund (IMF), the U.S. dollar share of global foreign exchange reserves declined from roughly 73% in 2000 to about 56% in 2020 despite the dollar’s continued appreciation during that period. That works out to 17% over twenty years, or .85% per year if measured lineally. But there are dynamics at play that may increase that. One is that more countries are scheduled to join BRICS, an organization that seeks to develop a proprietary medium of exchange for members. Then there are the unresolved and worsening tensions in the Middle East, the South China Sea/Taiwan, Ukraine, and the mushrooming accumulated debt of the United States. These factors cannot be swept under the rug. Yet, our presidential candidates are largely mum on how they intend to face the day of reckoning, when the government is either forced to pay stratospheric interest rates to attract bond buyers, or when other countries simply stop accepting dollars in payment for their goods and services. In short, if green hydrogen is ushered in, no one will enjoy the undue advantage of cornering the coveted status of the world’s reserve currency. Not the U.S., which will eventually lose it anyway, nor China.
Thomas Edison & the Central Bank

“If our nation can issue a dollar bond, it can issue a dollar bill. The element that makes the bond good, makes the bill good, also. The difference between the bond and the bill is the bond lets money brokers collect twice the amount of the bond and an additional 20%, where as the currency pays nobody but those who contribute directly in some useful way. It is absurd to say that our country can issue $30 million in bonds and not $30 million in currency. Both are promises to pay, but one promise fattens the usurers and the other helps the people.”
John Kennedy & Secret Societies

“The very word ‘secrecy’ is repugnant in a free and open society; and we are as a people inherently and historically opposed to secret societies, to secret oaths and to secret proceedings. We decided long ago that the dangers of excessive and unwarranted concealment of pertinent facts far outweighed the dangers which are cited to justify it. Even today, there is little value in opposing the threat of a closed society by imitating its arbitrary restrictions. Even today, there is little value in insuring the survival of our nation if our traditions do not survive with it. And there is very grave danger that an announced need for increased security will be seized upon by those anxious to expand its meaning to the very limits of official censorship and concealment…”
Dwight Eisenhower & The Military-Industrial Complex

…we yet realize that America’s leadership and prestige depend, not merely upon our unmatched material progress, riches and military strength, but on how we use our power in the interests of world peace and human betterment.
Throughout America’s adventure in free government, our basic purposes have been to keep the peace; to foster progress in human achievement, and to enhance liberty, dignity and integrity among people and among nations. To strive for less would be unworthy of a free and religious people. Any failure traceable to arrogance, or our lack of comprehension or readiness to sacrifice would inflict upon us grievous hurt both at home and abroad…
A vital element in keeping the peace is our military establishment. Our arms must be mighty, ready for instant action, so that no potential aggressor may be tempted to risk his own destruction.
Our military organization today bears little relation to that known by any of my predecessors in peacetime, or indeed by the fighting men of World War II or Korea.
Until the latest of our world conflicts, the United States had no armaments industry. American makers of plowshares could, with time and as required, make swords as well. But now we can no longer risk emergency improvisation of national defense; we have been compelled to create a permanent armaments industry of vast proportions. Added to this, three and a half million men and women are directly engaged in the defense establishment. We annually spend on military security more than the net income of all United States corporations.
This conjunction of an immense military establishment and a large arms industry is new in the American experience. The total influence — economic, political, even spiritual — is felt in every city, every State house, every office of the Federal government. We recognize the imperative need for this development. Yet we must not fail to comprehend its grave implications. Our toil, resources and livelihood are all involved; so is the very structure of our society.
In the councils of government, we must guard against the acquisition of unwarranted influence, whether sought or unsought, by the military-industrial complex. The potential for the disastrous rise of misplaced power exists and will persist.
We must never let the weight of this combination endanger our liberties or democratic processes. We should take nothing for granted. Only an alert and knowledgeable citizenry can compel the proper meshing of the huge industrial and military machinery of defense with our peaceful methods and goals, so that security and liberty may prosper together.
Akin to, and largely responsible for the sweeping changes in our industrial-military posture, has been the technological revolution during recent decades.
In this revolution, research has become central; it also becomes more formalized, complex, and costly. A steadily increasing share is conducted for, by, or at the direction of, the Federal government.
Today, the solitary inventor, tinkering in his shop, has been overshadowed by task forces of scientists in laboratories and testing fields. In the same fashion, the free university, historically the fountainhead of free ideas and scientific discovery, has experienced a revolution in the conduct of research. Partly because of the huge costs involved, a government contract becomes virtually a substitute for intellectual curiosity. For every old blackboard there are now hundreds of new electronic computers.
The prospect of domination of the nation’s scholars by Federal employment, project allocations, and the power of money is ever present and is gravely to be regarded.
Yet, in holding scientific research and discovery in respect, as we should, we must also be alert to the equal and opposite danger that public policy could itself become the captive of a scientific-technological elite.
It is the task of statesmanship to mold, to balance, and to integrate these and other forces, new and old, within the principles of our democratic system — ever aiming toward the supreme goals of our free society.
Another factor in maintaining balance involves the element of time. As we peer into society’s future, we — you and I, and our government — must avoid the impulse to live only for today, plundering, for our own ease and convenience, the precious resources of tomorrow. We cannot mortgage the material assets of our grandchildren without risking the loss also of their political and spiritual heritage. We want democracy to survive for all generations to come, not to become the insolvent phantom of tomorrow.
Down the long lane of the history yet to be written America knows that this world of ours, ever growing smaller, must avoid becoming a community of dreadful fear and hate, and be instead, a proud confederation of mutual trust and respect.
Such a confederation must be one of equals. The weakest must come to the conference table with the same confidence as do we, protected as we are by our moral, economic, and military strength. That table, though scarred by many past frustrations, cannot be abandoned for the certain agony of the battlefield.
Disarmament, with mutual honor and confidence, is a continuing imperative. Together we must learn how to compose differences, not with arms, but with intellect and decent purpose. Because this need is so sharp and apparent I confess that I lay down my official responsibilities in this field with a definite sense of disappointment. As one who has witnessed the horror and the lingering sadness of war — as one who knows that another war could utterly destroy this civilization which has been so slowly and painfully built over thousands of years — I wish I could say tonight that a lasting peace is in sight”…
Woodrow Wilson & the Deep State

“We have come to be one of the worst ruled, one of the most completely controlled governments in the civilized world –no longer a government by… a vote of the majority, but a government of the opinion and duress of a small group of dominant men. Some of the biggest men in the United States, in the field of commerce and manufacture, are afraid of something. They know that there is a power somewhere so organized, so subtle, so watchful, so interlocked, so complete, so pervasive, that they had better not speak above their breath when they speak in condemnation of it.”
John Hylan, Mayor of New York 1918-1925

“The warning of Theodore Roosevelt has much timeliness today, for the real menace of our republic is this invisible government which like a giant octopus sprawls its slimy length over city, state and nation… It seizes in its long and powerful tentacles our executive officers, our legislative bodies, our schools, our courts, our newspapers, and every agency created for the public protection… To depart from mere generalizations, let me say that at the head of this octopus are the Rockefeller-Standard Oil interest and a small group of powerful banking houses generally referred to as the international bankers. The little coterie of powerful international bankers virtually run the United States Government for their own selfish purposes. They practically control both parties, write political platforms, make catspaws of party leaders, use the leading men of private organizations, and resort to every device to place in nomination for high public office only such candidates as will be amenable to the dictates of corrupt big business…These international bankers and Rockefeller-Standard Oil interests control the majority of newspapers and magazines in this country.”
Theodore Roosevelt & Bankers

“These international bankers and Rockefeller-Standard oil interests control the majority of newspapers and the columns of these papers to club into submission or drive out of public office officials who refuse to do the bidding of the powerful corrupt cliques which compose the invisible government.”

